Anti-Cuban Subversion; the Race Issue

Anti-Cuban subversion: the race issue
by Esteban Morales Domínguez

Cuba-L Analysis (Albuquerque)
12/02/09

A CubaNews translation. Edited by Walter Lippmann

Original Spanish version appeared September 2, 2009 [correction: 2007] in La Jiribilla at

http://www.lajiribilla.co.cu/2007/n331_09/331_18.html  

There are many sides to the conflict between Cuba and the United States,
mainly if we take into account the American political interest in subverting
Cuba's revolutionary society, be that by attempting to spearhead social
processes in the island, or robbing Cuban political leaders of their
function at the front of internal changes in order to subvert the socialist
regime.

Drafted in 2004 and 2006, the so-called "transition documents" display
unlimited criticism of every process under way in the island, seeking to
project the worst possible image of Cuba's overall national life.

Small surprise then that a given internal behavior is fostered in order to
undermine the progress of the Cuba revolutionary process, engaged as it is
in a number of pressing challenges. Among the topics covered by those
documents is the race issue, pioneered by certain alleged scholars who, for
all intents and purposes, are nothing but henchmen, subordinated to the U.S.
administration's anti-Cuban policy. Some, not all, of the black men from the
other side of the Florida Strait try to portray Cuban blacks and people of
mixed race as victims in their own land. It goes without saying that the
victimizers are none other than the Cuban state, government and Communist
Party, since there's a distinct trend to tag those living on this side of
the political spectrum as little more than sheep or stupid people devoid of
any personal will.

Involved in this endeavor to manipulate the race issue in Cuba as a target
of political subversion are individuals like Enrique Patterson, who links
this topic either to matters of governance or to an anti-establishment
political potential he claims to be boiling among nonwhite Cubans. Enrique
Patterson was a former professor of Philosophy with Havana University's
Marxism-Leninism Department before he left the country in 1990, to reappear
shortly afterwards at the LASA Congress in Washington with two officials
from, it seemed, the State Department. Who was covering his expenses and the
purpose of his presence there may be easily deduced. Settled in Miami, he is
now devoted to writing about the race issue in Cuba, in his way of thinking
a perfect match with the aims of the U.S. Government.

A similar role as manipulator is played by Ramón Colás, leader of a
Mississippi-based Race Relations Project, and the journal Islas, until
recently in pursuit of contacts to produce materials on the race issue from
inside Cuba.

The Miami Herald, in turn, continues to be a storing chamber of every
article published in the United States on this subject.

It's true that much remains to be done in Cuba before social inequality
disappears once and for all as a problem still hovering over white and black
people alike. The latter are more affected, mainly as a result of the uneven
historical backgrounds which the various races comprising today's Cuban
society had in 1959.

It would be foolish and all but anti-scientific to believe that 450 years of
colonialism and neocolonial exploitation can be erased in almost 50 years of
Revolution, radical though this process may have been.

In line with the social policies enforced by the Revolution, everyone's
right to education, health, social security and employment was recognized.
This measure benefited all poor citizens, the vast majority of whom were
black or from mixed racial descent.

Not that everything is to our complete satisfaction. It is also a fact that,
despite being amply addressed by the top leader of the Revolution in 1959,
this issue was not properly followed-up on and was, instead, hushed-up in
later years, given the prevailing opinion that an egalitarian social policy
which treated all races the same, and a far-reaching set of principles
conducive to full equality for all Cubans were enough to solve these
problems. This premise was totally unmindful of the terrible fallout that
such assumptions could bring in tow both from the material and subjective
points of view.

We must bear in mind, that in the early 1960s the U.S. government started a
true war of aggression against the Cuban Revolution. The race issue began to
draw attention as a potential bone of contention among the revolutionary
forces, taking into account the difficult battles they were expected to
face.

However, without agreeing with the so-called "theory of the one-eyed man"
who is king in the land of the blind, I don't think any country in this
hemisphere, including the United States itself, has done as much for
justice, egalitarianism and racial equality as Cuba.

Likewise, I have not heard, since before 1959, of any government allied to
nonwhite people, or any state or government from which those ethnic groups
have received more than just demagogic speeches. Few, if any, concrete
actions were made to take them out of their deprived areas and to give them
free medical care and education, real hopes of decent housing, a good job,
and personal dignity, let alone a chance to be treated on an equal footing
when faced with justice. This is a reality still suffered by most
African-Americans in the United States.

Black people in Cuba struggle everyday in open spaces, of which there are
many, without letting themselves be deceived by those who should first of
all relinquish that racist, poor replica of a republic. It was designed to
look like the Cuba of the 1950s, which the Cuban-American extreme right has
built for the Miami-based black Cubans. Most of them are yet to leave behind
the same place they had back in Cuba's neo-republican days, only 50 years
later. And forget about black people's progress regarding access to power,
only available to the wealthy whites, much like it was in Cuba before the
Revolution. Yet, other forms of discrimination still hang over Cuban whites
who, regardless of their wealth, stopped being "white" to become "Hispanics"
when they arrived in the United States. Therefore, just like Carlos Moore,
many admit to the presence of racism and discrimination within the Cuban
population in the United States.

On the other hand, Cuban nonwhites work from a vantage point because they're
aware of their status. That is why we can say with absolute certainty that
the number of black people in Cuba who make it to the power structures
increases by the day, as does the number of white people willing to share
such power. After all, that was one of the Cuban Revolution's goals. That's
the true platform for assuring equality, and the rest will be solved in good
time, helped by the existing political dynamics and the will of both Cuban
black people and the vast majority of whites. Not that black Cubans are
living in a dream world, thinking everything will come as a godsend: they
know that rain and snow are the only things they can expect from heaven;
everything else calls for a lot of wrestling.

The main battle facing Cubans of black and mixed racial ancestry, then, is
to keep building the society which opened so many doors to them, and also,
why not, share the power with the nonwhites in a milieu marked by unique
realities and opportunities. This is unquestionably more feasible in today's
Cuba than anywhere else, at least in our hemisphere. And again, I'm
including the United States where, despite its civil rights movement and
matchless wealth, 90% of African-Americans still live below the poverty
level.

What's the plan of those in the United States, and particularly in Miami,
who sell the victim's speech to Cubans in the island? Plainly and simply, to
burden them with forms of struggle that never worked for them in order to
establish organizations, factions and sects of discontentment as they
sweeten them with USAID money, only to put them to work in the end for the
heralds of racism in Washington and Miami, a sorrowful mission already
undertaken by some U.S.-based black Cubans.

I don't think they do so without knowing they are betraying their fellow
human beings; it's just that lining their pockets is more important. Like it
or not, they have thus become pawns of the same Miami mafia whose only aim
is to recover whatever properties and privileges they left in the island.
Paradox: those privileges included discriminating against black people in
Cuba.

Actually, there in the background of their speech -the victim's- lies the
intention that these nonwhite Cubans work for counterrevolutionary
subversion, that is, to undo the political, social and economic process
which has made it precisely possible for those ethnic groups to attain a
social status in their country that very few of them could only dream of,
the existing problems notwithstanding.

The bottom line is that Cuban blacks and people of mixed race have no use
for such "victim's speech", nor do they need it. Therefore, those in the
U.S. would better use their time and effort to come up with a speech of
their own so they can help themselves survive in the midst of the racism
which is characteristic of American society and especially of Miami.

In Cuba we know exactly who's a friend and who's an enemy.

Esteban Morales: Doctor of Sciences, University Professor, Economist and
Political Scientist specialized in topics related to U.S. economics and
foreign policy.
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